Blog: Flame of Freedom

Why the CCP Places Bounties on Overseas Hong Kongers and How the West Can Counter Them

April 17, 2025

The CFHK Foundation

This blog was authored by Brian Kern, author of three books and numerous articles about the Hong Kong freedom struggle.

The issuance of arrest warrants and bounties by the Hong Kong national security police should be understood within the context of the wide-ranging and systematic crackdown taking place in Hong Kong on basic human rights, including freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, and political participation.

Of the 19 exiled activists targeted with a bounty, supposedly because they are suspected of having committed national security offences, 10 reside in the UK (Nathan Law, Christopher Mung Siu-tat, Finn Lau, Simon Cheng, Johnny Fok, Tony Choi, Carmen Lau, Tony Chung, Chloe Cheung, and Chung Kim-wah); five reside in the U.S. (Dennis Kwok, Anna Kwok, Elmer Yuen, Frances Hui, and Joey Siu); two reside in Australia (Ted Hui and Kevin Yam); and two reside in Canada (Victor Ho and Joe Tay). These also happen to be the places outside of Hong Kong with the largest Hong Kong communities. And it is most likely no coincidence that the country most targeted, the UK, has also seen the largest recent immigration of Hong Kongers, upwards of some 200,000, thanks to its BN(O) Visa Scheme.

The regime apparently regards some of those targeted as among the most outspoken in their advocacy for a free Hong Kong and criticism of the CCP and Hong Kong government. These would include Nathan Law, Finn Lau, Simon Cheng, Joey Siu, Ted Hui, and Kevin Yam. Others appear to be targeted at least partially because of their involvement with leading Hong Kong advocacy groups, such as Anna Kwok and Carmen Lau of Hong Kong Democracy Council; Frances Hui and Chloe Cheung of Committee for Freedom in Hong Kong (CFHK) Foundation; and Christopher Mung Siu-tat of Hong Kong Labour Rights Monitor.

Still others appear to have made the list due to their perceived influence on Hong Kongers’ views via social media channels and YouTube. These would include Johnny Fok, Tony Choi, Elmer Yuen, Victor Ho, and Joe Tay. Tay was also targeted just as he was starting his campaign to run for office in Canadian elections, raising the prospect of attempted election interference. Four of those targeted are citizens of foreign countries. Joe Tay and Dennis Kwok are Canadian. Joey Siu is American. Kevin Yam is Australian. There also appears to be an ethnic dimension: 19-year-old Chloe Cheung of CFHK Foundation was targeted instead of, say, Mark Clifford, who has a more senior position in that organisation and has been very active and outspoken.

The arrest warrants and bounties are a significant new effort to target the Hong Kong diaspora. They aim to weaken, fragment, frighten, and exert greater influence and control over it. The effort is intended to drive a wedge between Hong Kongers abroad and Hong Kongers in Hong Kong, as well as among Hong Kongers in the diaspora. It’s a signal that those targeted are “toxic” and one may face consequences for any association with them, including monetary donations. The arrest warrants and bounties also act as a warning to others: you too may end up wanted if you persist in your overseas activism. Not only that, your family in Hong Kong may be targeted.

Hostage-taking in Hong Kong

Indeed, a key component of the effort is what might be termed “hostage-taking”: the regime intends to send a message to Hong Kongers abroad that their families, friends, and associates in Hong Kong can be punished for their actions. The regime seeks to control the behaviour of Hong Kongers abroad by holding this prospect (in the form of an implied threat) over them.

Ten of the 19 overseas Hong Kongers for whom arrest warrants and bounties have been issued have had family members detained for interrogation in Hong Kong. In all, 41 relatives have been targeted in this manner. In addition, seven former associates have been arrested, one former associate was placed “under investigation,” four former associates have been detained for interrogation, and four have been arrested for allegedly providing financial assistance to wanted overseas Hong Kongers, among other incidents of persecution related to the arrest warrants and bounties.

In the most recent incident, on April 10, Hong Kong’s national security police detained the parents of Frances Hui, the second occasion on which her mother has been brought in for questioning. This appears to be retaliation for the sanctions on six officials (five Hong Kong officials and one CCP official) that the U.S. government announced on March 31. Since the sanctions were announced only a little over a week ago, a new Police Commissioner, Joe Chow, has been appointed in Hong Kong.

In initial remarks, Chow pledged to continue to focus on “national security.” So, the detention of Frances’ parents is to show that the policy of the previous Police Commissioner will continue, to show defiance of the U.S. sanctions (i.e., “you can’t change our behaviour”), and to retaliate. This should now put Joe Chow on a list of Hong Kong officials to be sanctioned. The CCP and Hong Kong government appears to have decided the terrible optics associated with these actions is worth it, particularly as host governments have so far taken little concrete action to counter the arrest warrants and bounties.

The regime may regard the arrest warrants and bounties as the most cost-efficient and effective ways to quell the diaspora. In general, Western governments have been slow to come to terms with TNR perpetrated by the CCP and its allies and proxies. Up to now, the U.S. government at the federal level has shown some awareness and understanding and expressed concern about CCP TNR. Other governments have expressed concern as well, but there has been little action in response to specific acts of TNR, and at local levels of government and law enforcement, there is scant awareness and understanding, let alone action. When Chloe Cheung said in a recent interview that the extent of assistance she received from the UK government amounted to a self-protection handbook sent by the police and advice to call 999, she kind of summed it up.

Essentially, both political and law enforcement action needs to be taken.

Host governments need to tell the CCP and Hong Kong governments directly and in no uncertain terms that the arrest warrants and bounties are unacceptable, and if they do not cease, there will be concrete consequences. Ten Hong Kongers in the UK have been targeted, and yet after the most recent batch involving four living in the UK, Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves went off to China to court the CCP as part of her government’s “meaningful dialogue” with the regime. In terms of messaging, what the CCP hears is, in spite of any “strong words” to the contrary, it can do what it likes without fear of consequences. The UK government might have instead told China it was suspending approval of its proposed new embassy in Tower Hamlets, London until the arrest warrants and bounties against all ten Hong Kongers residing in the UK are revoked.

Departments of Justice must prioritise addressing TNR and develop expertise, as well as ways and means, to do so, especially given that there are virtually no laws criminalising TNR specifically. There needs to be training of law enforcement agencies at all levels, from national to local, on how to protect those at risk of and targeted for TNR and how to hold those responsible accountable.

As with so much else that has to do with CCP TNR in Western countries, TNR against Hong Kongers tends to fall in between the cracks. Appointing a governmental point person or group responsible for coordinating actions of various governmental agencies and improving efforts to counter TNR would be a useful measure. Until Western countries show they are serious about countering TNR, and take effective action, the CCP and Hong Kong government will continue to target diaspora groups they perceive as threats to their monopoly on power.

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